“Still this leader, so lacking in imagination, curiosity, and creativity, dramatically transformed the character and geography of the country.” Gary May
Hmmm…what do I remember about Polk. Honestly, the only thing that pops into my head about him is the term “manifest destiny.” If you recall from high school American history, “manifest destiny” was the excuse that we, as Americans, used to gobble up the land between the oceans with nary a care to who actually owned it. Our presidents, beginning with Jefferson, believed that it was divine providence for the United States to eventually be in possession of all the rightful territory spanning betwixt the two shores and this belief affected our foreign policy right from the start. Jefferson used a like argument when he signed the Louisiana Purchase, Monroe believed in it and mentioned it subtly through the Monroe Doctrine, and finally Polk would seal the deal, so to speak.
Although it is rather remarkable that I remember this much about our 11th president, I have to admit that I don’t know anything else. Who was James K Polk and what was he like? What does the ‘k’ stand for anyway? How can I find out? Ta-da! I went right to my local library and found The American Presidents Series waiting for me. They recommended that I read John Seigenthaler’s book called James K. Polk (New York: Times Books, 2003) if I wanted to know more about this misunderstood gentleman. I checked it out and so here we are…
Before I get started on James K Polk, let me sate your curiosity and tell you that the ‘k’ stands for Knox. Mystery solved. Sigh.
“Where did they come from, the conflicted character traits that combined to make James K Polk less than a natural leader, yet justifiably judged among presidents of great achievement” (p. 10)? This quote is the beginning of chapter one and is an interesting segue into the quixotic man behind the presidency. James was born in Charlotte in 1795 to an odd family torn between Presbyterian zeal and Democratic fanaticism. There was an ongoing rivalry between James’ grandfather, Ezekiel, and the local pastor which eventually caused a conflict in the young James.
James was a very sickly, wan child and struggled through the move of the family from North Carolina to frontier Tennessee. “In childhood he was slightly built, emaciated, and without much strength or energy” (p. 18). Soon the young boy was in so much pain that he was taken to several famous doctors of the time for a diagnosis. What they found was not good for that time period: urinary stones. James had to undergo primitive surgery (the anesthesia was whiskey) and even then he was left sterile for the rest of this life. “Considering the crude methodology involved, the probable tearing of ejaculatory ducts, tissue, nerves, and arteries as the gorget penetrated the prostrate, there can be little doubt that the operation left he unable to father a child” (p.20).
Because of his weak state, James was not to follow in the family business but was sent to school and formally educated. For college, he attended the University of Chapel Hill and became essentially the valedictorian. He moved back to Nashville after graduation and proceeded to study law under the famous Tennessee lawyer, Felix Grundy. In 1820, Polk passed the bar exam, joined the Masons, and signed up with the local militia. Polk actually enjoyed practicing law but when the Panic of 1819 hit, his path turned toward the political arena when he became clerk for the state senate. In 1822, he won a seat in the Tennessee legislature. On New Years Day in 1824, Polk married Sarah Childress, who was the little sister of one of Polk’s friends from college. “Sarah’s personality—outgoing, vivacious, and witty—was a natural complement to her husband’s formal reserve” (p. 26).
In politics, Polk quickly aligned himself with the growing force of Jacksonian democracy. He became, in effect, Jackson’s protégé and was a rigid adherent to Jackson’s political principles. After the “corrupt bargain” of the 1824 election between JQA and Henry Clay, Polk rode the wave of moral outrage all the way to the House of Representatives where he continued to be instrumental in promoting Jackson’s hopes for the presidency. He upheld Jackson’s ideals and was quite pleased when, in 1828, Andrew Jackson became the 7th President of the United States.
Polk’s first taste of failure came in 1834 when he lost the election to become Speaker of the House which merely prodded him to do better next time. However, his defeat was short-lived when he won the job as Speaker the very next year and continued to win until he retired in 1839. During his years as Speaker of the House, things were going crazy around the country. He had to deal with the Panic of 1837 and Van Buren’s tactics to ease the economic burden through the creation of an independent Treasury department. Slavery was also blossoming into a monumental issue and it was under Polk’s reign as Speaker that the ‘gag resolution’ was passed, effectively ending all mention of slavery/abolition in the House. “His present position, presiding over a divided House, fronting for an administration whose popularity was damaged by a hurting economy, was not an advantage” (p. 64).
This being the case, Polk resigned from Congress and headed back to Tennessee to run for governor of the state. “The quintessential micromanager, he personally laid out his campaign strategy” (p. 64). Apparently the micromanager knew what he was doing because Polk barely eked out a ‘W’. “Polk’s inaugural was equally impressive, attended by reinvigorated Democrats, Old Hickory himself making the trip from the Hermitage to pay tribute to his young protégé” (p. 65).
Things get blacker from here, I’m afraid. With an eye to the next presidential election, Polk wished to be considered as the vice presidential candidate and he was in a strong position to do so considering his political resume. But after two years as an indifferent governor, Polk lost the next election and effectively nullified his chances to join Van Buren on the Democratic ticket for the 1844 election. Even though he was at a loose end, Polk declined to be Tyler’s Secretary of the Navy, not wishing to be associated with that gentleman’s cabinet.
Just like that, though, fortune smiled upon James K Polk. At the Democratic convention held in Baltimore, MD, the delegates there were unsure of who to nominate. Early on, a two-thirds rule was passed which stated that any nominee must have two-thirds of the vote instead of a simple majority. Under this rule, Van Buren could never get the 2/3s majority and no other nominee could either. But in the final roll call, after Polk’s name was bandied about by the delegates, he won the nomination from the Democratic Party for the 1844 election. “The momentum swept the assembly, and within minutes a hostile crowd was seized by mass euphoria, as one speech after another reminded them of the virtues of this loyal party man from Tennessee. Polk was unanimously acclaimed the nominee” (p. 84). There must have been a reason that Polk’s nickname was Young Hickory.
Henry Clay was the Whig nominee and the 1844 campaign for president began. Slavery was one of the issues plaguing the presidential race but since both Polk and Clay owned and used slaves so it became a platform that neither could use. “Polk was acculturated by a lifelong reliance on slave labor in a racist agrarian society” (p. 85). In the end, the campaign came down to character issues and some good old-fashioned mudslinging. Clay was a noted gambler and had lost huge sums of money in the past. Not to mention, he was emotional and would go into prolonged rages. Polk, on the other hand, always kept his cool and never did the wrong thing. It also aided Polk’s campaign when he announced that, if elected, he would serve only one term as president. “The candidate’s first major decision was crucial: to declare for a one-term presidency and convince them all that he meant it” (p. 92). As it was, Polk won in a very tight race and became the 11th President of the United States of America.
It appeared right away that there was a certain freedom to being a one-term president and knowing it in advance. “Now, elected and never intending to run again, he enunciated his administration’s commitment to economic justice as it related to this divisive issue [the tariff]” (p. 113). Right off the bat, Polk comes out with the truth of his presidential agenda and it differed from what he had intimated from pre-election times.
What is truly remarkable about Polk’s presidency is that he pretty much did what he said he was going to do. We already know that he was a micromanager so it should be no surprise that upon arriving at the White House, Polk had four items that he wished to see accomplished during his tenure: lowering the tariff, establishing an independent treasury, acquiring all of Oregon, and getting California from Mexico. Immediately, he worked out the tariff to his exacting standards and through a tight battle in Congress, it passed. He then turned his attention to the resurrection of Van Buren’s idea for a treasury department that would be a part of the government but not run by private interests. Polk pushed through his idea for a constitutional treasury which also passed by a pretty large margin.
From these domestic issues, he was forced to take a look at the bigger picture. Polk knew what he wanted in his foreign policy plan and knew how he wanted to get it, so he chose James Buchanan as his weak pseudo-Secretary of State. In reality, Polk was the Secretary of State and made Buchanan go along with whatever he wanted even though the two men quarreled regularly. First up was the issue of Oregon. “On his first day as president, Polk laid a claim on the vast and boundless territory of the great Northwest” (p. 122). Using the policy of ‘manifest destiny,’ Polk told Great Britain that it was time to settle the boundary between Canada and the United States. The British hemmed and hawed but with backing from the Congress and especially the politicians who wanted the boundary set at latitude fifty-four forty, Polk was able to stand firm. The resulting Oregon Treaty was soon signed and approved by the Senate. “The Oregon Territory—which would make up all of Washington and Oregon and parts of Wyoming and Idaho—belonged to the United States. Another of Polk’s major goals had been achieved” (p. 128).
Finally there was the war with Mexico. John Tyler signed into law the annexation of Texas but it would take till December of 1845 for it to become a state. Mexico was livid about this turn of events, stating that Texas belonged to them and did not have the right to make separate treaties with foreign countries. Polk didn’t care about that (he wanted Texas too badly) so he instructed General Zachary Taylor (Old Rough and Ready) to take a portion of the army to Corpus Christi to be ready for an attack by the Mexicans. The war began in April of 1846 when a group of Mexicans ambushed an advanced guard of General Taylor, leading that General to begin hostilities against Mexico. Taylor then led his troops across the Rio Grande, gaining huge victories at Monterrey and Buena Vista.
Santa Anna, the deposed military dictator, won his way through the naval blockade in the Caribbean and soon set about harrying the US troops. General Winfield Scott, General-in-Chief of the Army, was slated to land and assault Veracruz to occupy the Mexicans on a second military front. The operation was successful, ending in a triumphal entry of General Scott into Mexico City itself in September 1847. Polk assumed that conquering the capital city would give the Mexicans the excuse to instantly conclude a treaty. This was an incorrect assumption however and it took over a year for Polk’s envoy to work out a compromise. In return for California, New Mexico, and the Rio Grande boundary of Texas, the US repudiated Mexico’s over $3 million worth of debts and agreed to pay $15 million for the new territory. Polk finally realized his dream of possessing California when the treaty ending the war was signed and ratified.
Ironically, the war, while being the culmination of Polk’s presidential plan, was also the Achilles heel of the administration and would be used to promote a Whig into office. “Condemnation of the war robbed Polk of the opportunity to be judged more kindly by history. The conflict took its toll on the nation—and on the president. The combined attacks, often exaggerated, from the Whigs and those who condemned the war, charged him with an exercise in imperialist militarism—crushing an impotent army and raping a helpless land” (p. 152).
Finishing the war and enduring the constant criticism from the Whigs and the general population, Polk aged early. By the time that Zachary Taylor was voted in as the next President of the United States, Polk, upon return to Nashville, was decidedly ill and wan. He died six weeks later.
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